Splitting Germanic negative indefinites

Proceedings of the Amsterdam Colloquium, pp. 125–134

Abstract

Constructions with an intensional verb and the negative indefinite geen in Dutch (as well as kein in German) routinely lead to split scope readings. English no does not systematically give rise to such readings. Observing a number of other differences between geen / kein and no, we claim that there are two kinds of negative indefinites in Germanic: (i) degree quantifiers that consist of a negative and a numeral meaning component and give rise to split scope (Dutch geen, German kein); (ii) non-degree negative indefinites (English no, and its counterparts in e.g. Swedish). We argue that the split scope phenomenon is tied to degree quantifier movement and is essentially a degree phenomenon.

Authors 3

1. Dominique Blok

   Utrecht University

   Affiliation as printed

   Utrecht University

2. Lisa Bylinina Aachen

   Leiden University

   Affiliation as printed

   Leiden University

3. Rick Nouwen

   Utrecht University

   Affiliation as printed

   Utrecht University